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Between My Children and My Patients: A Doctor’s Life Under Fire
Being a doctor and a mother of two children during the conflict is a daily challenge. I live between the anxiety for my children and the fear of being away from them, while at the same time feeling a deep sense of responsibility toward my patients.
Sometimes I come home physically exhausted, but my mind remains torn between my family and my work.
By Dr Samah
Being a doctor and a mother of two children during the conflict is a daily challenge. I live between the anxiety for my children and the fear of being away from them, while at the same time feeling a deep sense of responsibility toward my patients.
Sometimes I come home physically exhausted, but my mind remains torn between my family and my work.
A real example of how attacks on healthcare affect the community:
On one occasion, an airstrike targeted the local hospital that served more than 50,000 people. Services stopped for weeks, leading to the deaths of patients who could have been saved, and the spread of diseases that could have been easily contained.
Families felt hopeless, and some were forced to travel for hours through dangerous areas just to reach any kind of healthcare.
A personal moment that shows the resilience of the healthcare community:
I vividly remember when we, as a medical team, decided to return to work in a temporary clinic to reach areas that no longer had medical services. We worked without electricity, with limited tools, but with high spirits.
There was a nurse who walked more than 10 kilometres every day just to be with us. That resilience gave us the strength to keep going.
A personal moment that explains your motivation to stay and serve the community:
Despite everything, I chose to stay because I cannot look into the eyes of patients and say I chose to leave.
When I see a child smile after recovering, or a mother praying for me after she’s healed, I know that my presence here is not just as a doctor, but as a small glimmer of hope they hold on to, amidst the chaos.
بين أطفالي ومرضاي: حياة طبيبة تحت القصف
كوني طبيبة وأم لطفلين وسط النزاع هو تحدٍ يومي. أعيش بين القلق على أطفالي والخوف من أن أكون بعيدة عنهم، وفي الوقت نفسه أشعر بالمسؤولية تجاه المرضى. أعود إلى المنزل أحياناً منهكة جسديًا، لكن عقلي يظل مشتتاً بين العائلة والعمل.
مثال واقعي لتأثير الهجمات على الرعاية الصحية على المجتمع:
في إحدى المرات، استهدفت غارة جوية المستشفى المحلي الذي كان يخدم أكثر من 50 ألف نسمة. توقفت الخدمات لأسابيع، مما أدى إلى وفاة مرضى كان يمكن إنقاذهم، وانتشار أمراض كان من السهل احتواؤها. شعرت العائلات باليأس، واضطر بعضهم إلى السفر لساعات عبر مناطق خطرة للوصول إلى أي رعاية صحية.
لحظة شخصية تُظهر صمود مجتمع العاملين في الرعاية الصحية:
أتذكر جيدًا حين قررنا كفريق طبي العودة للعمل في عيادة مؤقتة للوصول إلى أماكن لا تتلقى الخدمات الطبية. كنا نعمل بلا كهرباء، بأدوات محدودة، ولكن بروح عالية. كان هناك ممرض يقطع أكثر من 10 كيلومترات يوميًا، فقط ليكون بجانبنا. هذا الصمود منحنا القوة للاستمرار.
لحظة شخصية تشرح دوافعك للبقاء وخدمة المجتمع:
رغم كل شيء، قررت البقاء لأنني لا أستطيع أن أنظر في أعين المرضى وأقول إنني اخترت الرحيل. حين أرى طفلاً يبتسم بعد أن
The Day Everything Changed: A Personal Account from Adnan Kiwan Hospital
The first example I personally witnessed — and in which I was among those directly targeted during an attack on a healthcare facility — took place at Adnan Kiwan Hospital.
There were wounded people from peaceful demonstrations.
My brother and I went out to treat them. We had just reached the hospital entrance when we were directly targeted by an airstrike.
The first example I personally witnessed — and in which I was among those directly targeted during an attack on a healthcare facility — took place at Adnan Kiwan Hospital.
There were wounded people from peaceful demonstrations.
My brother and I went out to treat them. We had just reached the hospital entrance when we were directly targeted by an airstrike.
That was the first shock — the defining moment that marked a clear 'before and after.'
Before that, we weren’t used to airstrikes, especially not targeting medical facilities. We had never seen such direct targeting — and we were being hit deliberately.
If I remember correctly, there were injuries, and even martyrs that day.
After that, things escalated.
It became normal, even expected, for us. When an airstrike didn't target a hospital or an ambulance, it felt like something was wrong. Like something was off.
Because what we had come to expect as ‘normal’ was that the place would be hit.
They would often wait a short time, then strike again directly, aiming to increase the number of casualties — both injured and dead. I was following this closely with all the ambulance networks. We insisted that no ambulance should go to a location without coordination with the monitoring stations.
And no more than one ambulance should be sent unless absolutely necessary. Only when there were mass casualties.
We had to stress this over and over again.
Eventually, both the community and those working in the health sector came to understand that targeting medical facilities had become 'normal.' To the extent that people stopped going to hospitals unless it was absolutely necessary.
We went through so many phases, especially in the early days. We would see far more wounded people than there were healthcare providers. We saw patients lying in hallways, even at the hospital entrances.
Doctors were forced to triage — to choose which cases were most critical.
You’d have several patients, all wounded, all needing surgery, and you'd have to choose.
That kind of decision-making was incredibly difficult on a psychological level for all of us working in healthcare. I was among them.
Even during attacks, we often had to break many of the standard medical protocols because of the harsh realities.
We had to transport multiple patients in a single ambulance. So many essential programs, like infection control, couldn’t be properly implemented.
The number of injured was far beyond what we could handle.
And honestly, the situation was worse — much worse — than anything that can be described in words or audio.
When we saw those wounded children — or adults — when we knew they needed ICU beds that didn’t exist, or they needed ambulances that simply weren’t available — except at the bare minimum — we knew we had to act.
There was a huge need to organise our work — not because we could stop the loss, but so we could reduce it as much as possible.
We had already accepted that there would be loss — but we focused all our energy on minimising that loss in every way we could.
اليوم الذي تغير فيه كل شيء: شهادة شخصية من مستشفى عدنان كيوان
أول مثال أنا شهدته وكنت يعني أحد المعرضين للهجمات بأحد المنشآت الصحية، كان بمشفى عدنان كيوان، كان في جرحى نتيجة المظاهرات السلمية. طلعنا أنا وأخي كنا عم نعالج يعني تقريبا وصلنا لمدخل المشفى.
كان في استهداف مباشر من الطيران وهي كانت الصدمة الأولى اللي هي كانت لحظة فارقة ما بين قبل وبعد. يعني قبل ما كنا متعودين على حدا انه يضرب طيران وخصوصا منشآت صحية، ما كنا نشوف هذا الاستهداف المباشر فكنا مستهدفين بشكل مباشر وكان في ذاك الوقت على ما اذكر كان في اصابات وحتى كان في شهداء.
فبعد ذلك تتالت الامور وصار الموضوع بالنسبة لنا انه شيء طبيعي حتى هو شيء متوقع. ولما ما بتم الاستهداف سواء على مستوى منشآت صحية او حتى سيارات اسعاف، يعني نشعر انه في خلل في شي مو ظابط لانه الشي الطبيعي اللي تعودنا عليه.
ان يتم استهداف المكان. بيصبروا كانوا فترة بيرجعوا يستهدفوا مباشرة مرة تانية حتى يكون في اعداد من الاصابات او الشهداء اكثر. وهاد الامر انا كنت اتابعه مع سيارات الاسعاف في كل المنظومات انه كنا نشدد انه ما يصير تروح سيارة اسعاف على مكان بدون ما يكون في متابعة من على المراصد.
ما بصير تروح اكتر من سيارة اسعاف على المنطقة الا للضرورة لما يكون في اصابات. عدد الاصابات كتير كبير بالتالي كنا نؤكد على هذا الموضوع ولاحقا الناس والمجتمع وحتى العاملين بالقطاع الصحي. الكل صار يعرف انه اه استهداف المنشأت الصحية هو شيء طبيعي لدرجة انه ما عاد يروحوا على المنشأت الصحية إلا لما بكون في ضرورة.
الاخير كلحظة شخصية تشرح دوافعنا للبقاء وخدمة المجتمع. عدينا بكتير مراحل في البدايات يعني نشوف عدد الجرحى اكتر اكبر بكتير من عدد مقدمي الرعاية الصحية. شفنا كتير حالات الجرحى موجودين بالممرات الجرحى موجودين على مدخل المشفى.
كان الطبيب يضطر يختار الحالة يعني الاكثر خطرا يضطر يفرز بهذا المستوى. انه في حالات كثيرة فهو امام عدة خيارات. كلهم جرحى. كلهم بحاجة لغرف عمليات.
هذا الموضوع نفسيا جدا كان صعب على كل مقدمي الرعاية الصحية وانا كنت منهم يعني حتى على مستوى اثناء الاستهداف الهجمات كنا نضطر يعني نخرق كتير بروتوكولات علاجية بسبب الواقع فكان يعني نضطر ناخذ اكتر من المريض بسيارة الاسعاف.
كتير برامج ما كانت تطبق كضبط عدوى وغيرها. لانه اعداد الجرحى كتير كبير والواقع يعني اكتر بكتير مما يمكن. شرحه بالصوت او الكتابة. يعني هو اسوأ بكتير مما ممكن نوصفه.
يعني لما كنا نشوف هدول الاطفال مصابين او هدول اطفال بحاجة لشواغر(اماكن) يعني او حتى الكبار بحاجة لشواغر عناية غير موجودة بحاجة لسيارات اسعاف غير متوفرة الا بالحد الادنى. كان في ضرورة كتير كبيرة لتنظيم هذا العمل حتى نخفف الخسائر قدر الامكان.
فكنا خلص انه يعني مقتنعين انه راح يكون في خسائر لكن كنا نبحث عن تقليل الخسائر اكثر يعني باكبر قدر ممكن.
Survival in Shrapnel: A Doctor’s Story of Family, War, and Displacement
I am Dr Badi’ Sabha, a pediatrician. I studied medicine at the University of Aleppo.
I got married in 2011, at the start of the revolution, in the ninth month. At the time, the burden of family wasn’t heavy since I didn’t have children yet, so the matter of displacement wasn’t a major obstacle in terms of security……
I am Dr Badi’ Sabha, a pediatrician.
I studied medicine at the University of Aleppo.
I specialised at the National Hospital in the city of Idlib, which is affiliated with the Ministry of Health.
I began field work as part of a medical point at the beginning of 2013, after the liberation of Taftanaz Airport, when the town became safer than it had been before 2013.
I got married in 2011, at the start of the revolution, in the ninth month. At the time, the burden of family wasn’t heavy since I didn’t have children yet, so the matter of displacement wasn’t a major obstacle in terms of security. I was only responsible for my wife, so when bombardment on the town intensified, we would simply leave to a nearby, safer town.
My hometown, however, was frequently targeted due to the presence of the Taftanaz military airport, which was a major strategic site and came under heavy attack after it was captured by the opposition. The regime began carrying out retaliatory attacks on the town repeatedly.
Taftanaz also suffered a massacre in April 2012 when regime forces stormed the town and more than 60 people were martyred.
The town was repeatedly bombed, so we would leave whenever the situation escalated and return once things calmed down. At that stage, the family burden wasn’t too difficult.
But by 2023, I had five children. After liberation, the security situation is, of course, much better, but in the earlier stages of the revolution — after my first, second, and third children were born — displacement became more frequent.
Unfortunately, the cycles of displacement repeated constantly. I have rented more than 12 different homes — in border areas or towns close to my hometown.
Displacement was one of the most tragic and dark aspects of the revolution years.
Between 2013 and 2025, these waves of displacement were triggered by intense and unpredictable shelling. The security situation would sometimes calm down, but then quickly worsen again.
My town is close to Al-Foua and Kafriya — regime-held towns — and whenever clashes occurred near them, the regime would retaliate by bombing the civilian areas of Taftanaz.
This kind of collective punishment was frequent.
As I mentioned, because of these repeated displacements, we had to keep renting new homes. After a particularly difficult displacement in 2020, I decided to buy a house near the border in the town of Harem.
But that house was destroyed in the 2022 earthquake.
The emotional and financial burden of repeated displacement — spending so much money and never having stability — created deep frustration and despair, especially for the children and the whole family.
At one point in 2016 or 2017, a fellow doctor asked me to cover his shift because his grandmother had passed away. At the time, the hospital was just a basic medical point, but later it expanded with support from Relief International.
I had a car and agreed to take over his shift.
That night, there was bombing near the town — by Russian aircraft. I called my family and told them to go into the bathroom because our house was on the ground floor and had only one ceiling. If the house was struck, the danger would be much greater.
The bathroom had an extra layer of ceiling, so it was safer.
Five minutes later, I heard a second airstrike. I tried to contact my family again — but the internet had been cut.
Then the local monitoring stations announced that the western neighbourhood of Taftanaz had been bombed.
Neighbours reached out and told me: my house had been hit by cluster bombs.
I rushed to the site and found a large number of unexploded cluster munitions on the roof of my house, my parents’ house, and the neighbours’ homes.
Around 250 bombs were dropped on the area. The main cluster bomb carrier had exploded only 15 metres from my home, spreading submunitions across the whole area.
There was no electricity; all the windows were shattered.
Three cluster bombs had penetrated the house.
Thank God, no one was injured — they had all taken shelter in the bathroom as I had advised.
The cluster munitions penetrated the ceiling but exploded either outside the building or on the roof — which saved their lives.
One bomb landed exactly where I normally parked the car. I had planted trees outside the house — they were all destroyed by the strike.
This incident was one of the most traumatic my family experienced throughout the years of the revolution.
When I arrived home and saw the destruction — the shattered glass, the chaos — it felt like an earthquake had hit the house.
But praise be to God, the most important thing was that no one was injured.
The destruction itself was manageable — what haunted me was the detail:
I remember our laundry had been hanging outside — it was riddled with shrapnel holes, every piece torn.
Thank God again.
أنا الدكتور بديع صبحة طبيب أطفال درست كلية الطب البشري في جامعة حلب اختصيت في المشفى الوطني في مدينة إدلب التابع الوزارة الصحة بدأت العمل الميداني كنقطة طبية بداية2013 عندما تحرر مطار تفتناز وأصبحت البلدة آمنة أكثر من ما قبل 2013
النجاة بين الشظايا: قصة طبيب عن العائلة والحرب والنزوح
أحد المواقف التي كنت فيها، وبناء على الدليل الذي تم مشاركتي به، موضوع العائلة. تزوجت عام 2011 بداية الثورة في الشهر التاسع. لم يكن عبء العائلة كبيرا ذلك الوقت كون لم يكن لدي أطفال، وبالتالي كانت رحل النزوح
موضوع العائلة لم يكن يشكل عائقا كبيرا بالنسبة للموضوع الأمني، فقد كنت أتعامل مع زوجتي فقط، وبالتالي عندما يشتد القصف أحيانا على البلدة كنا نغادر إلى بلدة مجاورة أكثر أمانا.
وخاصة بلدتي، كانت تتعرض للكثير من الغارات بسبب وجود مطار تفتناز الذي ارتبط بموضوع شديدة القصف تحت تحرير المطار وهو من المطارات الكبيرة في بداية الثورة فتم تحريره وبالتالي أصبح النظام يقوم بعملية انتقام من الأهالي بشكل متكرر.
كما أن تفتناز تم يعني عانت من مجزرة في عام 2012 الشهر الرابع بسبب أن مقاومة الجيش أثناء دخول البلدة وسقط في ذلك الحين أكثر من 60 شهيدا.
فتفتناز كانت تتعرض كل فترة والأخرى إلى قصف وكنا نغادر من البلدة ريثما يتوقف القصف أو ريثما يتحسن الوضع الأمني وبالتالي لم يكن عبء العائلة في ذلك الوقت صعبا وإنما بعد.
حاليا لدي 5 أطفال عام 2023. حاليا بعد التحرير أصبح الوضع الأمني أكيد أفضل بكثير، ولكن في بداية الثورة كنا نشهد نزوح متكرر بعد الطفل الأول والثاني والثالث.
للأسف تكررت رحل النزوح. يعني أنا. أنا مستأجر أكثر من 12 بيت في المناطق الحدودية أو المناطق القريبة من البلدة. فرحل النزوح كانت من أكثر المآسي وأكثر.
المواقف ظلاما خلال فترة النزوح. خلال فترات الثورة. نحن نذكر حاليا من 2013 قبل 2013 كنت أثناء الاختصاص بعد 2013 2013 لل 2025. تكررت رحل النزوح عدة مرات بسبب أن الوضع الأمني كان يمر بفترات قصف شديد وأحيانا يهدأ الوضع الأمني.
وكانت بلدتي الفوعة وكفريا قريبتين من بلدتي من بلدة تفتناز، وبالتالي أي تماس يقوم النظام بالانتقام من المدنيين والأهالي فأي قصف متبادل بين القريتين يقوم بقصف المناطق المأهولة بالسكان كرد فعل كانتقام.
بالنسبة لموضوع العائلة كما ذكرت كانت رحل النزوح متكررة يتم استئجار بيوت وبسبب النزوح الأكبر عام 2020 قررت شراء منزل على الحدود في منطقة ثانية على الحدود في حارم.
ودمر المنزل بعد الزلزال عام 2022. فبسبب تكرر رحل النزوح ودفع مبالغ كبيرة في النزوح ويأس بصراحة للأسف كبير يعني كان الاحباط واليأس ملازما بشكل كبير للأطفال والعائلة.
أحد المرات طلب مني أحد زملائي الاطباء ان اناوب عنه تقريبا بال 2016 او عام 2017 ان اناوب عنه بسبب وفاة جدته في المشفى الذي كان نقطة طبية وتطور لاحقا بعد دعم منظمة ريليف انتيرناشيونال لهم وتوسع ذلك المشفى فطلب مني أن أناوب عنه.
في أحد المناوبات بسبب وفاة جدته، وأنه سوف يحضر دفنها. وكنت كان لدي سيارة فاتجهت إلى هذا المشفى لاستكمال المناوبة عنه.
في تلك الليلة كان هناك قصف على أحد جوانب البلدة من الطيران الروسي تواصلت مع عائلتي وأخبرتهم بأن يذهبوا إلى الحمام بسبب وجود سقف رقم 2 يعني بيتنا السابق كان أرضي وبالتالي لم يكن هناك سقف اخر في حال لا سمح الله في حال استهدف المنزل فالسقف الواحد ستكون نسبة الخطورة أشد من وجود سقفين.
لذلك طلبت منهم أن يذهبوا إلى الحمام. بعد حوالي 5 دقائق وبعد سماع صوت غارة ثانية تواصلت معهم وإذا بالانترنت انقطع فتم تخبير المراصد أو ذكر بحصول قصف على الحارة الغربية من بلدة تفتناز.
وتم التواصل عن طريق الجيران أن المنزل قد قصف منزلي قد قصف بالقنابل العنقودية. مباشرة اتجهت الى مكان القصف واذا بعدد كبير من القنابل العنقودية فوق سطح منزلي ومنزل اهلي ومنازل جيراني وبالمنطقة حوالي ميتين وخمسين غارة.
حاملة القنابل العنقودية كانت تبعد عن منزلي حوالي خمسة عشر متر وبالتالي انتشرت القنابل العنقودية في المنطقة. طبعا لم يكن هناك كهرباء انقطعت الكهرباء وتكسرت النوافذ بشكل كبير وتم اختراق يعني ثلاثة قنابل عنقودية اخترقت المنزل ولله الحمد لم يكن هناك اصابات بسبب انهم كانوا بالفعل بالحمام.
يعني القنبلة العنقودية التي تم قصفها او القنابل العنقودية كانت تخترق فقط الطلقة الى المنزل في حين تنشطر خارج المنزل او على الاسقف. احد القنابل كانت قد نزلت بمكان ركن السيارة لدي كما كنت قد غرست عدد من الاشجار امام المنزل فتم قصفها جميعا عن طريق القذائف.
هذا احد المواقف التي تعرضت له اسرتي في خلال سنوات الثورة كان موقفا يعني موقفا كبيرا جدا. موقفا مؤلما.
تعرض الاطفال للخوف عندما دخلت منزلي وشاهدت الدمار والخراب فيه تكسير البلور وتكسير البيت كان وكأنه اصابه زلزال شديد. والحمد لرب العالمين.
الاهم لم يكن هناك. لم يكن هناك اصابات في العائلة. هذا اهم شيء. اما موضوع الدمار موضوع يعني احد المواقف التي لن انساها ان الغسيل كان منشورا خارج المنزل تقريبا كله تشظى فاصبح مثقوبا بسبب الشظايا.
فالحمد لله هذا احد المواقف التي مرت على عائلتي كموقف اخر ابنتي كانت في الروضة. كنت انا في تركيا ذلك الوقت لحضور دورة تدريبية. فاخبروني ان هناك قصف على البلدة.
كان القصف مجاورا لروضة ابنتي بحوالي عشرة امتار ولله الحمد لم تصب بأذى وانما اصبح خوف يلازمها طوال حياتها. هذا احد المواقف بالنسبة لموضوع العائلة.
“Aleppo. My City.”
The past couple of days have been very emotional for me.
I have so much to say, but at the same time, I find it hard to express myself.
In 2016, around this time eight years ago, we didn’t know if we would survive. We were in the last hospital in Aleppo after six months of siege by Assad, Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah militias. Sama was about to turn one year old, and I was pregnant with my second daughter, Taima.
It was clear we had lost Aleppo and that we were going to be forcibly displaced. But despite everything, we held onto hope that something might change. The situation was so horrible that people started fleeing toward regime-held areas. Sadly, some of our friends were detained and tortured to death, while others survived by some miracle.
Before we left, we said goodbye to everything. We left our hearts there and moved forward, terrified that we might not make it.
We survived, but the loss of Aleppo remains a wound in all of us.
Aleppo became a distant dream I held onto with all my being. I sleep and wake up obsessing over it. People who know me often say they see it in my eyes, in my cooking, in the details of my home, and in the stories I tell.
The greatest heartbreak of my life is that I can’t take my daughters to live in, or even visit, the place they should belong to—the place where they should grow up.
I made for Sama film and started the Action for Sama campaign to not give up on that dream, to promise myself, my daughters that I will never forget Aleppo.
Eight years on, Aleppo is still a deep, unhealed scar.
As Syrians, we were abandoned, betrayed, and crushed. We carry a pain bigger than this world.
Because of our trauma, We don’t know how to celebrate, and we can’t believe that tomorrow might hold something better.
Today, there’s a new chance to go back, to have hope again.
There’s immense joy, but it doesn’t feel real. There’s also a huge lump in our throats and a fear of what’s coming next—whether it’s the regime bombing and burning Aleppo and everyone in it, like they did in east aleppo from 2012 till 2016 and all the other cities out of its authority, or the type of governance which might complicate people’s lives, or the cycle of negotiations between countries where we, Syrians, and our rights are never a priority.
All of these fears are valid, and no one has the right to dismiss them, just as people have the right to return to their homes, detainees have the right to freedom, and everyone has the right to fight for and dream of a better life.
There’s so much work to be done, and even more waiting ahead of us.
However, Everyone who has those different fears agrees that the biggest risk and threat is coming from the sky, the Syrian and Russian airstrike attacks. So the international community needs to prioritise protecting civilians from such attacks. A no-fly zone to protect civilians is needed more than ever.On the 1st of December, two hospitals were targeted in Aleppo, and on the 2nd of December, the regime and Russia targeted 3 hospitals in Idlib. This needs to be stopped immediately.
We also need support for Syrian civil society to respond to the huge needs in the newly liberated areas across all sectors— humanitarian aid, health, education, shelter, human rights documentation, and governance.
For those of us watching from afar, our role is to amplify the voices of people on the ground, to empower them, and to never stay silent in the face of violations. We must never underestimate the efforts of those working tirelessly to make things better.
Each of us can contribute, support, and make a difference.
The situation can change at any moment, and it’s our duty to learn from what we’ve been through and do everything we can to make things better.
Waad
“You can feel the weight of war there”: Waad al-Kateab visits Ukraine with Syrian Civil Society members
To commemorate the 10th Anniversary of the Chemical Weapon attacks in Syria, Waad joined other Syrian civil society members (including Madaniya and The Syrian British Consortium) to engage high-level officials as well as key Ukrainian stakeholders, in Kyiv, which that concluded with an engagement at the Third Summit of the Crimea Platform with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky. Read the full press statement here.
Waad shares her reflections on the trip…
“Our trip to the Ukraine was truly amazing - for me and for everyone in the group. I will be honest, I was very scared at first. I was hesitant to go. But at the same time, I knew in my heart how important it was to build this communication and relationship with the people of Ukraine, and see the reality of what is happening there.
In Lviv when we arrived, what I noticed straight away was the tiredness in people’s faces and the effects of war on them. Although when you look at the city, you don’t see the same destruction as you see in Aleppo, you can really feel the weight of war there. As we went down the long road from Lviv to Kyiv, just being there - in Ukraine - felt like a very big moment to me.
While visiting Ukraine, we attended many critical meetings and had the honour of meeting so many interesting and inspiring people. There were a few particular moments that stood out to me…
Meeting medical staff at the new Mariupol Hospital in Kyiv.
One distinct memory from my trip was our visit to see the relocated Mariupol intensive care Hospital. When I heard the story of this hospital before I went to visit, I was so emotional. This was the last hospital standing in Mariupol until it experienced continued attacks from Russian air and land forces. There was something that I related to so much within my own experience here, with what I have called home before - our hospital, our community - and how I lost it. Three of the doctors miraculously survived. Not only survived, but they then went to start a new hospital in Kyiv which works as a temporary space until they can go back. I was amazed to hear their testimonies. And when the manager of the hospital was telling us about how they escaped and about their last days, everything came flooding back. It was as if they were telling my own story back to me.
Another moment which stood out to me was a trip to Bucha, where the massacre happened. We visited the large graveyard there and paid tribute to those lost. We met Father Andriy, who had survived the massacre and dedicated his time to giving burial services for the people that were found. We stepped into the church and were shown images of the massacre on display. This brought back very strong memories of our last days in Aleppo.
On one of our days, we met with Tamila Tasheva, Permanent Representative of the President of Ukraine in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Ukraine, and Maria Tomak, the Head of the Crimea Platform Department.
We were invited to visit the Crimean Ambassador at their embassy in Kyiv. The Ambassador was so welcoming, telling us all about Crimea and engaging in deep conversation about Syria. And then her Deputy, Maria, shared with me that she had seen For Sama. She said that it had shown her what it means to be in that kind of conflict situation and expressed her pain for the fact that Crimea and Syria have both not been shown enough attention or support. When we were leaving, she came to me in tears. She said that she wasn’t able to prepare anything but on meeting me in that moment, she felt she wanted to give me something. It was her scarf. She said it was very special, as part of its design is the same as part of the last mosaic from Mariupol - a mosaic that sadly no longer exists. On hearing this, I collapsed crying. It was all too much for me to hold in.
This was a very special trip and one that helped us to understand the similarities and the differences between both situations. But no matter what differences there may be, one thing we can’t argue with is how much pain we share, how much fight we have within us, and how many dreams and goals we are all trying to achieve - together.
Waad
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Middle east monitor: Syria rights groups call on UN to investigate Tadamon massacre
Syrian human rights organisations have called on the United Nations to investigate the Tadamon massacre in Damascus in 2013 carried out by members of the regime's Branch 227.
"We are writing to demand immediate action to address this massacre, which amounts to a war crime, and hold perpetrators accountable at the UN Security Council," said the letter, which was addressed to the US permanent representative to the UN, Linda Thomas Greenfield.
Among the signatories are the White Helmets, Action for Sama, and the Syrian Network for Human Rights.
Two weeks ago, the Guardian published a report on how two academics hunted down a Syrian war criminal filmed brutally killing 41 people.
In the footage the intelligence officer, later identified Amjad Youssuf, can be seen asking civilians to run towards a pit in the ground, shooting at them and then watching as they hit a pile of other dead bodies.
The video, leaked by a military recruit after he escaped the country, shows two main perpetrators of the massacre setting light to the pile of bodies, then casually laughing and smoking.
everal Syrians have been able to identify family members from the video, many of whom are Palestinians from the Yarmouk refugee camp.
The letter laments the lack of outcry from the international community, particularly "in the context of similar crimes being committed by Russian forces in Ukraine."
In 2013, the Tadamon district, where the massacre took place, was a combat zone where Syrian opposition forces faced the government.
The letter to the UN goes on to say that for years human rights organisations have documented targeted attacks on schools and hospitals and seen photos of tortured bodies being smuggled out of the country,
"But never before have we seen such clear evidence of a war crime committed and videotaped by Assad's intelligence services in broad daylight, in cold blood, with no regard for the humanity of the victims or concern for consequences."
In September last year the UN said that at least 350,209 people had been killed in the Syrian war, likely to be an underestimation. More than 100,000 Syrians are missing.
The world: Jackie Chan is producing a movie in Syria. Some Syrians are outraged.
Growing up in Syria, Mohammad al-Abdallah loved watching Jackie Chan movies. They were dubbed in Arabic, and Chan’s acrobatic style of martial arts just blew him away.
“Like, even in school, sometimes people tried to copy him. So, he was a legend to our generation,” Abdallah said.
Abdallah comes from a family of activists in Syria. He was jailed and tortured by the government, he said, and had to flee to the US. He now directs the Syria Justice and Accountability Center, a human rights organization in Washington.
Syria is home for Abdallah, but one that he can’t return to. At least not now. So, this past week, when he found out that Chan was producing a film in his home country, his ears perked up; but after he learned the details, he was disappointed.
Chan’s production team began filming “Home Operation,” in Syria this past week. The location is a city called Al-Hajar al-Aswad, outside of the capital, Damascus. The area was a stronghold for the opposition during the war. The news has outraged some Syrians like Abdallah, who say their destroyed homes are not props for foreign film productions.
Last week, Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, himself, strolled through the ruins of Aleppo, another city destroyed in the war. Photos posted online showed him and his family in casual summer linen, looking as if they are on a Mediterranean vacation.
“They walk around like, ‘Oh, where did this destruction come from?’ As if they didn’t have a hand in it,” Malek said.
For Syrian filmmaker Waad al-Kateab, influencers and artists flocking to Syria for content is just painful.
“It’s really difficult just to think about it,” she said.
Kateab made a documentary about the uprisings in Syria called “For Sama,” that was nominated for an Oscar in 2020. She fled her home in Aleppo and now lives in the UK.
She said that she’s also troubled about “Home Operation” being shot in Syria.
“We’re worried to see our own neighborhoods, where we grew up, our own houses, which were destroyed by the regime, [become] like a part of a film set,” she said.
Chan’s publicist didn’t respond to an interview request for this story.
We demand accountability for the Syrian regime's massacre of at least 41 people in Tadamon
The Honorable Linda Thomas-Greenfield
United States Permanent Representative to the UN
United States Mission to the UN
799 United Nations Plaza
New York, NY 10017
May 9, 2022
Dear Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield,
We, the undersigned Syrian humanitarian, human rights, and civil society organizations, are deeply shocked by the massacre of at least 41 civilians in Tadamon neighborhood in Damascus, committed in April 2013 by members of branch 227 of Syria’s military intelligence service (mukhabarat), the details of which were recently revealed in a report by The Guardian. We are writing to demand immediate action to address this massacre, which amounts to a war crime, and hold perpetrators accountable at the UN Security Council.
The footage clearly showed the two main perpetrators marching blindfolded, zip-tied men and women toward a giant hole they did not know was in front of them. One by one the civilians were deliberately shot dead. Their bodies were buried on top of each other in a mass grave then incinerated as the perpetrators laughed and smoked.
For nearly 11 years our organizations have collectively documented mass atrocities and human rights violations in Syria and advocated for protection and accountability. The White Helmets have pulled countless civilians from under the rubble of Syrian and Russian airstrikes, we’ve documented deliberate attacks on schools, hospitals, and civilian infrastructure, and we’ve seen in horror photos of tortured bodies of detainees smuggled out by the military defector Caesar. But never before have we seen such clear evidence of a war crime committed and videotaped by Assad’s intelligence services in broad daylight, in cold blood, with no regard for the humanity of the victims or concern for consequences.
In the days since the report came out, families started seeking the faces of their missing loved ones among those being led to their deaths in Tadamon. Many Syrians are rightfully expressing outrage about the lack of response from the international community to such a shocking report, especially in the context of similar crimes being committed by Russian forces in Ukraine. It’s high time that the international community learned that impunity for grave human rights violations in Syria has far-reaching consequences beyond its borders.
Syrians have endured horrific crimes like the massacre in Tadamon at the hands of the Assad regime, committed with total impunity, for 11 years, and for years the world has ignored their suffering. There can be no peace in Syria without justice. We urge the United States, a permanent member of the UN Security Council, to convene a meeting at the Council during its presidency in May to address the Tadamon massacre and to launch an independent probe into the killings that brings perpetrators and those who gave them orders to justice. We look forward to your response.
Sincerely,
Act for Syria / Do Not Suffocate Truth
Action for Sama
Association of Detainees and the Missing in Sednaya Prison (ADMSP)
Caesar Families Association
Dawlaty
Families for Freedom
Hevdestî-Synergy
Hurras Network
Idlib Health Directorate
Mazaya
Syria Faith Initiative
Syrian Legal Development Programme (SLDP)
Syrian Network for Human Rights (SNHR)
The Coalition of Families of Persons Kidnapped by ISIS
The Syria Campaign
The White Helmets
Women Now for Development
The UK's Channel 4: five iconic moments from the broadcaster's coverage of the Middle East and Arab communities
Alastair Campbell’s infamous WMD interview
Perhaps one of the broadcaster’s most notorious interviews occurred in 2003. Alastair Campbell, communications director in Tony Blair’s government, was questioned over the media coverage of the Iraq invasion. Campbell was on the defensive following allegations that the UK government “deliberately exaggerated, abused and distorted intelligence” to justify the invasion. He said they had not.
The UK Chilcot inquiry into the 2003 invasion later concluded that the UK government misrepresented the severity of the threat posed by Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction.
The US-led invasion killed at minimum tens of thousands of people and fuelled sectarianism and extremism across the Middle East.
Channel 4 hires the first hijab-wearing TV newsreader, Fatima Manji
Fatima Manji, who started her career at the BBC, rose to prominence when she became a leading news presenter for Channel 4 in March 2016.
When asked why representation in journalism matters, Manji told The Guardian: “It matters because it’s really important that newsrooms reflect the populations they serve…It allows us to be better journalists - that’s why it’s important”.
Channel 4 commissions Waad al-Kateab as an exclusive film-maker in Syria
In 2015, Channel 4 commissioned Waad Al-Kateab, a young journalist in Aleppo, to make a film about life inside the city. As the war continued, the broadcaster took the decision to hire her exclusively to document life under siege.
Much of what Kateab covered came from the emergency room of the hospital where her doctor husband worked. Channel 4 praised the Syrian for humanising the victims, “showing us whole families in their worst moments”.
Kateab’s reports later became the basis of the award-winning film For Sama, which followed her experiences as a mother-to-be in Aleppo.
Jon Snow speaks out for the children of Gaza
Following the bombardment of Gaza in 2014, when over 2,000 Palestinians were killed, lead anchor Jon Snow made an impassioned speech about the children of Gaza on the channel's flagship news programme.
“I’m back and in the comfort of this studio, it’s hard to imagine I was ever away…
“In a very densely packed urban area, if you decide to throw missiles and shells, then undoubtedly you will kill children.”
As of 2014, roughly 43 percent of Gaza’s 1.8 million population was aged 14 or younger.
Channel 4 commissions Gogglebox, featuring hijab-wearing sisters from London
One of the broadcaster's run-away successes has been the smash hit Gogglebox - a show about people watching TV.
The first series launched in March 2013, and the nineteenth series began airing in February 2022.
Some of the show’s stand-out stars are Amani and Amira, two hijab-wearing sisters from north London.
The show has won several awards and was praised by critics for showing a diverse, modern representation of Britain.
Waad Al-Kateab at the UN: "This Council remains a spectator to the suffering of the Syrian people."
On November 29 2021, Waad al-Kateab spoke at the UN Security Council’s Arria Formula meeting on Accountability in Syria.
Joining fellow Syrian activist, Omar Alshogre, in New York City, along with representatives from IIIM and University of Cologne, Waad spoke of her frustration at the inaction of the UN and demanded that perpetrators of the war crimes committed in Syria, are held to account.
Watch Waad’s full speech and read the transcript below:
Waad’s Speech (English)
“Good afternoon,
I am expected to start this session today by telling you how it is an honour to be here. But I can’t. Not if I want to be genuine to the suffering of my people.
My biggest honour was, and still is, that I am part of the Syrian revolution. Which made me hold onto hope with my fellow Syrians - chanting in the streets, daring to dream of dignity, freedom, and a state of law.
I am known by Waad al-Kateab, which is not my name. A name I choose to hide my identity from the security forces’’ the same Mokhabrat that Omar just talked about, who arrested him and tortured him. Omar who survived today and who gives us so much courage and hope.
I talk to you today as an activist, who protested, who was beaten, who was shot at, demanding democracy for my country.
I talk to you as a mother, who gave birth to my first child in a makeshift hospital in East Aleppo where I was living with my husband Hamza. Hamza, who is here today, he was an emergency doctor managing the last remaining hospital, which was deliberately targeted many times by the Syrian regime, supported by Russia.
I am talking to you as a refugee who was forcibly displaced after the besiegement of Aleppo in 2016. And now, I’m hearing so many of your countries’ officials and media talking about how safe it is for us to be returned to Syria. Syria is not safe as long as Assad is still ruling.
And I talk to you as a filmmaker, who thought my mission was to deliver the injustice I documented to the world.
I and many Syrians, we used to have faith that the world won’t let us down - that you, the security council would do everything to stop the war crimes and the genocide in Syria.
One of the women I filmed while we were in besieged Aleppo, shouted to deliver this to you [referring to For Sama clip shown at the end of the speech]. She said, with a baby of 6 months old, “Film. Film - let the whole world see this.”
At that moment, I was worried that I would let her down. That I won’t be able to survive, and her message might die with me.
However, the major disappointment came after I shared her shouting out, to the world, and to you. You refused to acknowledge. And this council refused to act.
I talk to you today as one of millions of Syrian witnesses and survivors of what is defined as war crimes and crimes against humanity by laws that you states have created.
But where is the outrage when your laws are broken?
Where is the action?
This Council remains a spectator to the suffering of the Syrian people. And if you think I am angry - yes for sure, you are right. You have let us down.
Your council held countless meetings through all these events of my life. There are 42 reports only by the UN commission of inquiry - this does not include Amnesty, Physicians for Human Rights, OPCW and tens of Syrian organizations’ reports.
And yet, some of you now discuss renewing diplomatic relations with the Syrian regime and granting lucrative contracts to warlords to reconstruct the country that Asaad’s regime and what he has destroyed in our country.
Because this council has failed to hold those responsible to account, we Syrians, along with states and international lawyers, have been exploring alternative ways to do so ourselves.
For example, closely with the legal team at Guernica 37, we are working to hold Russia accountable for its targeting of hospitals and medical workers before the European Court of Human Rights, a court stemming out of a treaty that Russia agreed to.
The Russian State, the Russian judicial authorities have done nothing to investigate and prosecute such conduct into the intentional loss of life.
So we must now seek to hold the State accountable for its failures.
And we will do so.
We are also working, with some states present here, to establish collective international action against individuals responsible for the use of chemical weapons in Syria.
The evidence is there, the perpetrators are known, all that remains is the will.
It is essential that there is a credible international process to investigate and prosecute the use of chemical, biological and other forms of prohibited weapons in Syria, and we have identified ways to do so.
I am here to ask you, how are you going to be part of the accountability efforts?
We are here today to seek accountability, not only to heal the past but also to protect the political hope for the future.
One day Syrians will go out into the street. They will shout again “الشعب يريد اسقاط النظام
It’s our responsibility to make sure they won’t face war crimes. It is your responsibly, in your power, to prevent genocide not only in Syria but in the whole world.
What messages are you sending to us, to your people, and to your children? What will the next conflict look like if impunity persists?
It’s OK to torture people? It’s OK to kill children? It’s OK to bomb hospitals?
What sort of legacy are you leaving behind for the next generation?
Today, as we speak, there’s over 3 million civilians still living in IDLIB, facing the daily threat of their schools and hospitals being targeted, their villages of being bombed.
We don’t want them, we don’t want one of them to be sitting in my place next year briefing you again about what happened in the next year. We want you all to do your part to save them all.
I’m copying what Omar asked for, what Catherine and Professor Klaus said. You have to save them all.
Sama, my 6 year old daughter, asked me before I come here, why I have to go to New York City. I said, do you remember the kids in Idlib? Who the monster just killed? I have to go to speak about them.
She sadly said, “But they are already dead? Why do you need to go?”
For a second I didn’t know what to say, then I told her, I’m trying to do my part so other children won’t be killed.
So I leave you today with this question and adding another one to what Omar asked:
If your children asked you the same thing. Will you be able to look them into the eyes and say that you as state members of the security council are able to do your part?
Thank you Mr President.
Waad
Waad’s further comments to the Council:
From here, the term Veto which I heard several time now might seem like a mere technicality. However, it wasn’t. On the 5th of December 2016 Russia and China Vetoed this council’s resolution for a 7 days truce in Aleppo.
7 Days only for safety and allowing aid for me, my family and the people back in Aleppo. I join the member states who asked for limiting the veto power regarding mass human rights atrocities. So 7 days of peace won’t be such a difficult task to achieve. A second point, according to the Physicians for human rights report, more than 90% of the attacks on hospitals in Syria are the responsibility of the Syrian regime and its allies Russia and Iran.
Those who are demanding accountability, we’re demanding it for all attacks. We are not the ones who are blocking international justice to the 90% of these attacks. Finally, Syria was not a civil war, it’s not a civil war. So please stop referring to this in your statements. It was peaceful demonstration, the whole world witnessed this and it’ll always be.
We’re not the ones protecting criminals. And one day, as I see you all here, I’m sure that we, the survivors of Syria will be joining these meetings as a free country. As people who respect human rights, who respect a future for all of us.
شكراً لك السيد رئيس الجلسة
عمتم مساءً
من المتوقع أن أبدأ حديثي اليوم بالقول بأني أتشرّف بوجودي هنا
ولكني لا أستطيع قول هذا
ليس إن أردت أن أكون صادقة حيال المعاناة التي عاشها شعبي
شرفي الأكبر كان ولازال هو مشاركتي في الثورة السورية
التي منحتني القدرة على التمسك بالأمل مع الشعب السوري
حيث صرخنا في الشوارع, متجرّئين أن نحلم بالكرامة ، الحرية ، وبدولة يسودها القانون
أنا أُعرف باسم وعد الخطيب ، وهو ليس اسمي الحقيقي
وإنما اسم اخترته لنفسي لأخفي هويتي من قوات الأمن
المخابرات ذاتها التي تحدث عنها عمر منذ قليل
المخابرات ذاتها التي اعتقلته وعذبته
عمر الناجي الموجود معنا اليوم ، والذي أمدّنا بالشجاعة ، والأمل
أجلس أمامكم اليوم كناشطة تظاهرت ، تعرضت للضرب ، وتم استهدافها بالرصاص
بينما كنت أطالب بالديمقراطية من أجل بلدي
أتحدث إليكم كأم
ولدتُ طفلتي الأولى في مشفى ميداني في حلب الشرقية
حيث كنت أعيش مع زوجي حمزة
حمزة الذي يجلس معنا اليوم ، كان آنذاك طبيب طوارئ يدير المشفى الأخير هناك
المشفى ذاته الذي تم إستهدافه من قبل النظام السوري المدعوم من قبل روسيا
أتحدث إليكم كلاجئة ، تمّ تهجيرها قسرياً بعد حصار مدينة حلب في عام ٢٠١٦
واليوم, أستمع إلى تصريحات العديد من مسؤولي دولكم وصحافتكم
وهي تتحدث أنّ سوريا آمنة لنا كي نعود إليها
سوريا ليست آمنة ما دام الأسد في السلطة
أتحدث إليكم كصانعة أفلام
أعتقدت أن دوري يقتصر فقط على توثيق الظلم وإيصاله للعالم
كنت أؤمن أنا والكثير من السوريين بأنّ العالم لن يخذلنا
بأنكم بصفتكم مجلس الأمن سوف تفعلون كل ما هو ممكن لمنع جرائم الحرب والمجازر في سوريا
أحد النساء الذين قمت بتصويرهم أثناء الحصار في حلب صرخت لتوصل لكم هذه الرسالة
قالت ويظهر بجانبها طفلها ذو ال6 أشهر: صوّري ، صوّري كي يرى العالم ما يحدث
في تلك اللحظة ، كنت قلقة بأنني سوف أخذلها
بأني لن أنجو ، وأن رسالتها ستموت معي
ولكن ، هذه لم تكن الخيبة الأكبر ، كانت الخيبة الأكبر بعد مشاركتي لصرختها معكم ومع العالم
ترفضون الإقرار بما حصل ، ويرفض هذا المجلس أن يتحرّك ويفعل شيئاً
أتحدث إليكم اليوم وأنا واحدة من ملايين الشهود والناجين السوريين
من ما يعرف بقوانينكم كدول أعضاء بجرائم حرب وجرائم ضد الإنسانية
ولكن أين غضبكم عندما يتم خرق هذه القوانين؟
أين تحرككم وأفعالكم؟
يقف هذا المجلس كمتفرجٍ سلبيّ على الشعب السوري
وإن كنتم تعتقدون بأني غاضبة ، فأنتم محقون تماماً
لقد خذلتمونا
قام مجلسكم بعقد جلسات لا تحصى أثناء الأهوال التي عشتها في حياتي
صدر عن لجنة التحقيق وبعثة تقصي الحقائق التابعة للأمم المتحدة وحدها ٤٢ تقريراً
هذا العدد لا يتضمن تقارير منظمة العفو الدولية ، منظمة أطباء من أجل حقوق الإنسان ، منظمة حظر الأسلحة الكيميائية ، وعشرات المنظمات السورية
مع كل هذا ، يتحدث بعضكم عن إعادة العلاقات الدبلوماسية مع النظام السوري
و عن تقديم عقود تعود بأرباح طائلة على أمراء الحرب لإعادة إعمار النظام السوري وما دمّره في بلادنا
بسبب فشل هذا المجلس بمحاسبة المسؤولين عن الجرائم
نقوم نحن كسوريين بالبحث بأنفسنا عن بديل لمحاسبة المجرمين بالتعاون مع بعض الدول وبعض المحاميين الدوليين
على سبيل المثال ، نعمل بالتعاون مع الفريق القانوني في منظمة (جيرنيكا ٣٧)
لمحاسبة روسيا على استهدافها المباشر للمشافي وللعاملين في القطاع الصحي
وذلك في المحكمة الأوروبية لحقوق الإنسان ، محكمة تم إيجادها بناءً على إتفاقية كانت روسيا جزءًا منها
لم تقم روسيا ، ولا النظام القضائي الروسي بعمل أي تحقيقات أو محاكمات تجاه الخسائر الدولية للأرواح
لذلك علينا العمل الآن لنحاسب الدولة الروسية على فشلها ، وسوف نقوم بذلك
نعمل أيضاً مع بعض الدول الأخرى الموجودة هنا ، للتحرك بشكل جماعي ودولي
ضد أشخاص مسؤولين عن إستخدام السلاح الكيميائي في سوريا
الدليل موجود ، والمجرمون أيضاً موجودون ، الشيء الوحيد المفقود هو الرغبة في التحرك
من المهم جداً إيجاد آلية تحقيق ومحاكمة دوليين في شأن إستخدام الأسلحة الكيميائية ، البيولوجية ، وغيرها من الأسلحة المحرّمة دولياً في سوريا
وقد قمنا بتحديد خطوات للقيام بذلك
أنا هنا اليوم لأسألكم ، كيف ستأخذون دوركم في الجهود المبذولة من أجل المحاسبة والمسؤولية؟
نحنا هنا اليوم للوصول إلى المحاسبة ، ليس فقط كي نتعافى من الماضي
وإنما لحماية الأمل السياسي من أجل المستقبل
في يوم من الأيام ، سيخرج السوريون إلى الشوارع مجدداََ
كي يصرخوا مرة أخرى: الشعب يريد إسقاط النظام
إنها مسؤوليتنا اليوم ، أن نضمن بألا يواجهوا جرائم حرب حينها
إنها مسؤوليتكم من حيث موقعكم في السلطة ، أن تمنعوا المجازر لا في سوريا فقط وإنما في العالم كاملاً
ما هي الرسائل التي تريدون إيصالها لنا ، لشعوب العالم ، ولأطفالكم؟
كيف سيكون شكل الصراع القادم إن لم نضع حداً للإفلات من العقاب
هل سيكون مسموحاً تعذيب الناس؟ قتل الأطفال؟ قصف المشافي؟
أي إرث هذا الذي سوف تتركونه للجيل الذي سيأتي بعدكم
اليوم ، وأثناء حديثنا هناك ٣ ملايين مدني يعيشون في إدلب
يواجهون بشكل يومي خطر استهداف مشافيهم ومدارسهم
خطر أن تقصف قراهم
لا نريد أن يأتي أحدهم في العام المقبل ويجلس في مقعدي هذا ليحدثكم عن الجرائم التي ارتكبت خلال هذه الفترة!
نريد منكم أن تقوموا جميعاً بدوركم لإنقاذهم
أوافق وأكرر ما قاله عمر ، ما قالته كاثرين ، وما قاله بروفيسور كلاوس
يجب عليكم إنقاذهم جميعاً
سما ، طفلتي ذات ال٦ أعوام سألتني قبل قدومي إلى هنا: لماذا عليكِ الذهاب إلى نيويورك؟
أجبتها ، هل تذكرين الأطفال في إدلب الذين قتلهم الوحش منذ فترة قريبة؟
عليّ أن أذهب لأتحدث عنهم
أجابتني بحزن: لكنهم لقد ماتوا بالفعل ، لماذا يجب عليكِ الذهاب؟
لوهلة ، لم تسعفني كلماتي بإجابة
ثمّ قلت لها: أنا أحاول جاهدةََ أن أعمل كل ما بوسعي كي لا يتم قتل أطفال آخرين
لذا أترككم اليوم عند هذا السؤال ، كسؤالٍ إضافي لما قاله عمر
إن قام أطفالكم بسؤالكم السؤال نفسه
هل ستستطيعون النظر في أعينهم
والقول بأنكم كدول أعضاء في مجلس الأمن قد كنتم قادرين على عمل دوركم على أكمل وجه؟
شكراً لك السيد رئيس الجلسة
…
هنا في هذا المكان, مصطلح "فيتو" الذي سمعته إلى الآن في مناسبات كثيرة
يبدو وكأنه شيء تقني للغاية
ولكنه لم يكن كذلك
في الخامس كانون الأول (ديسيمبر) عام ٢٠١٦ قامت روسيا والصين باستخدام الفيتو ضد قرار هذا المجلس من أجل هدنة لمدة ٧ أيام
٧ أيام فقط من الأمان ولضمان دخول مساعدات لي ولعائلتي وللمدنيين المتواجدين في حلب حينها
أشارك الدول الأعضاء التي اقترحت تحديد السلطة التي يملكها حق الفيتو فيما يخص الفظائع الجماعية المتعلقة بحقوق الإنسان
وذلك كي لا تكون ٧ أيام من السلام مهمة صعبة الإنجاز لهذه الدرجة
النقطة الثانية ، بحسب تقارير منظمة أطباء من أجل حقوق الإنسان
أكثر من ٩٠% من الهجمات على المشافي في سوريا
كان المسؤول عنها النظام السوري وحلفائه روسيا وإيران
نحن كأشخاص نطالب بالمحاسبة ، نطالب بالمحاسبة على كل الهجمات
لسنا نحن من يمنع نظام العدالة الدولية من محاسبة مرتكبي ٩٠% من هذه الهجمات
في النهاية أريد أن أقول أن ما حدث في سوريا ليس حرباً أهلية
أرجوا منكم التوقف عن استخدام هذا المصطلح في بياناتكم
لقد كانت مظاهرات سلمية شهدها العالم بأكمله
وسوف تبقى كذلك
لسنا نحن الجهة التي تحاول حماية المجرمين
وأنا متأكدة تماماََ ، كما أستطيع الآن رؤيتكم أمامي
أننا كناجين سوريين ، سوف نشارك يوماً ما في هذه الجلسات كبلد حر
كشعب يحترم حقوق الإنسان ، ويحترم مستقبلاً مشتركاً لنا جميعاً
ولن نقوم حينها بحماية المجرمين